Clinton's Cynical War
On Banking Reform
By Lawrence B. Lindsey, a former chairman of the Neighborhood
Reinvestment Corp., is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise
Institute.
Last week the Senate passed a bill overhauling the regulation of banks,
including a provision sponsored by Sen. Phil Gramm (R., Texas), chairman
of the Banking Committee, to reform the Community Reinvestment Act.
Mr. Gramm's provision has stirred controversy, to say the least. Last month
hundreds of "community activists" descended on his house, where they
pounded on the windows, trampled the landscaping and left the yard
covered with garbage.
The 20-year-old CRA requires banks to serve their entire community.
Regulators take banks' CRA compliance into account when deciding
whether to approve applications for mergers or expanded services. In the
recent wave of bank consolidation, banks have made billions of dollars
of
loan commitments and signed agreements with numerous community
organizations in order to be seen as complying with CRA.
Sen. Gramm has complained that many of these
payments amount to little more than extortion
sanctioned by federal bank regulators, a claim
bolstered by the protesters' behavior at the
senator's house. While the great majority of CRA
activity is legitimate, some banks and their
executives have been subjected to similar
personalized and heavy-handed tactics with a
demand that they sign agreements that, in effect,
fund the protesters. Other banks find their mergers
held up by legalistic protests until they pay up.
I helped write the current CRA regulations when I
was a governor of the Federal Reserve, and I part company with Mr.
Gramm on the degree to which the CRA encourages extortion. In fact,
those regulations, implemented in 1996, were designed to reduce the
potential rewards for such behavior. Most bankers and community
development professionals agree that the regulations have been successful
in
that regard. Yet I think Mr. Gramm is getting a bum rap.
Mr. Gramm's proposed reforms are quite modest. You wouldn't know it,
though, from listening to the Clinton administration and its supporters.
President Clinton himself attacked the Gramm proposal in a February
meeting with the nation's mayors. Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin, the
Rev. Jesse Jackson and Ralph Nader all joined the chorus. The attack
strategy worked. Regulators with whom I spoke said they believed Mr.
Gramm was out to destroy CRA, although when pressed, they admitted
they didn't know the details of his proposal.
When I spoke to a group of community-development professionals, there
was stunned silence when I described how mild Mr. Gramm's proposals
actually are. First, he proposes that a bank that has earned "satisfactory"
ratings from the regulators for three years running be presumed in
compliance with the law, unless evidence is presented to the contrary.
Second, he proposes that small rural banks be exempt from CRA. The
banks that would be excluded under this plan have a total of 2.8% of all
U.S. bank assets; the banks with the remaining 97.2% would remain
subject to CRA. When we wrote the current CRA regulations, we
recognized the burden they placed on small banks and carved out a
streamlined examination procedure for them. Mr. Gramm takes this
principle only a little further.
Why, then, is the administration demonizing Mr. Gramm? As with similar
disinformation campaigns in the past, the attack is meant to draw attention
away from an issue on which the administration is vulnerable. What is really
at stake here is a separate provision of the banking-reform bill, concerning
the question of which agency should regulate most banks--the Fed, which
is
independent of the administration, or the comptroller of the currency,
who
reports to the Treasury secretary. Mr. Gramm's bill, which passed on a
near-party-line vote, favors the Fed.
Such a bureaucratic turf struggle is not the stuff over which nonbureaucrats
go to the barricades. So the administration has instead rallied the troops
with a campaign of exaggeration about the CRA. In short, the
community-development industry is being used as a pawn by the
administration in a power struggle with the Fed.
The worst part of this is that the community-development industry is finally
coming of age. All around the country, community-development
professionals are engaged in exciting partnerships with for-profit
organizations to rebuild the physical and social infrastructure of some
of
America's blighted areas. The best of these are run in a very professional
and businesslike fashion; their management teams could compete with any
in
corporate America.
Unfortunately, much of the industry is still quite insecure, with deep
memories of being caught between widespread private-sector indifference
and an unresponsive federal bureaucracy led by the Department of Housing
and Urban Development. And some of the more flamboyant leaders in
community development, who cut their teeth in the radicalism of the 1960s,
are quick to lead protest marches and demonstrate their feelings. They
have
been co-opted as unwitting foot soldiers in bigger wars, such as the
Comptroller-Fed battle and the feud between the mortgage-insurance
industry and the secondary mortgage market.
In the long run, there is no alternative to a zero-tolerance policy with
regard
to extortion in CRA or the type of protest that occurred at Sen. Gramm's
house. Such behavior poisons the well of goodwill that makes community
reinvestment possible. The time has come for those responsible for the
success of CRA to break their silence and make clear whether they want
community development to be a business success story or just some
politician's sound bite.
What is needed is a clear way to demarcate those who deliver real
community development from those who deliver a mob outside a bank
branch or senator's house. The best people to do this are the leaders of
community groups themselves. In private, some of the most accomplished
practitioners have told me how embarrassed they are about the events at
Mr. Gramm's house. They have not shied away from using the term
"extortion" to describe activity that clearly fits the definition. These
people
know that their good efforts are made more difficult by the extortionists,
who misuse resources and give community development a bad name.
Banks themselves must also make clear that they will not pay for political
favors or meet extortionists' demands. The intent of CRA is to ensure that
an adequate number of loans are made in low- and moderate-income
neighborhoods and that those areas have access to bank branches and
other banking services. There is no requirement that civic or community
leaders must say nice things about the bank or that the bank must contribute
to those leader's' pet causes or even their own organizations.
It is often too easy for bank management to simply pay for a problem to
go
away. Regulators should make sure that this doesn't happen, by insisting
that CRA-type payments made by bank management go for services
rendered--such as loan referrals--and are not de facto political contributions
or extortion payments. Regulators would not tolerate a bank management
that violated the Foreign Corrupt Practice Act by bribing foreign officials.
Nor should they allow bribes to community groups in the U.S. The
administration, meanwhile, should stop using America's developing
communities as pawns in its own bureaucratic battles.
Return to top of page | Format for printing
Copyright © 1999 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved.